Syllable Structure in Korean Revisited
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This paper argues that the maximal surface syllable structure in Korean is (C)V(C), with the single onset consonant and the single coda consonant optional and with the syllable peak non-branching. Specifically, there is no glide between the onset consonant and the peak vowel regardless of the position of the alleged glide whether it would be part of a complex onset or part of a branching nucleus. Supporting arguments are from the conspiracy effect in loanword adaptations, loanword adaptations of consonant-glide and consonant-liquid clusters, the distribution of the glide [w], palatal variants of non-plosives before a vowel other than [i], and hiatus tolerance.
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